Tag Archives: RSS

Hindutva Offensive Social Roots: Characterisation

By R.R. Puniyani

Introduction: Last decade has seen the Hindutva onslaught going from strength to strength to the detriment of poor and oppressed sections of society. Though Sangh Parivar (SP), RSS and the paraphernalia of its affiliates, is at the core of Hindutva movement some other forces have also broadly contributed to the social and political agenda of Hindutva, the main such associate is Shiv Sena, prior to consolidation of SP, Hindu Mahasabha propogated Hindutva, while variable expression of Hindutva has also taken place through congress as well. The turmoil created by its offensive has disturbed the very fabric of our society, and this has threatened to change the very rules of social politics.

This movement is based on the premise that Hindus alone constitute the Indian nation as they are the original inhabitants of this land and have created this society and its culture. Hinduism, as per their assertion, is a very tolerant and catholic, which makes it superior to all other faiths, but its tolerance has often been mistaken for weakness…… The Hindu nation has been repeatedly conquered by aliens, particularly the Muslims and then the Christian British and must acquire strength through RSS Sangathan to counter all present and future threats. The subsequent entry and takeover by foreigners created the illusion that India was land of many different and equal cultures — `Pseudo Secular’ nationalists like Nehru, who preferred bondage to an alien system of thought, perpetuated it by integrating this notion within the `pseudo secular’ constitution. This must be changed and only a `truely secular’ Hindu Rashtra will afford protection to non-Hindus. The threats remain because the present state is ruled by traitors to the Hindu nation; `pseudo secularists’ who `appeased’ Muslims in their pursuit of a politics of `vote banks’ (1). Its own perception of itself is thus of a movement meant to build a Hindu rashtra (nation) for the Hindus.

Formation of Hinduism as a Religion

Today’s social common sense believes Hinduism to be the religion of all the people in India except those who are specifically Muslims, Christians or Buddhists. It will be interesting to note that contrary to the popular belief the truth is that “Hindus” and “Hinduism” are orientalist constructions originating with late eighteenth century British administrators who believed “the essence of India existed in a number of key Hindu classical scriptures such as Vedas, the codes of Manu and the shastras that often prescribe hierarchical ideas” — a conclusion eagerly “supported and elaborated by Brahmins”. (2) Britishers not only absorbed this understanding, they put an official seal on it “by applying a legal system based on Brahminic norms to all non-Muslim castes and outcastes, the British created an entirely new Brahmin legitimacy. They further validated Brahmin authority by employing, almost exclusively, Brahmins as their clerks and assistants. “(3) ” — this fabrication through repetition of India as unitary Hindu society has — obscured the reality of a segmented society, with Brahmins and other upper castes exercising a monopoly of power, fabricated Hinduism is found everywhere.” (4)

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Acknowledgement

(I am thankful to Irfan Engineer, Jairus Banaji and Vrijendra for the discussions which helped me formulate my ideas. However responsibility and weaknesses of these formulations are entirely mine.)

REFERENCES

1. Tapan Basu, P. Datta, S. Sarkar, T. Sarkar & S. Sen ‘Khakhi Shorts Saffron Flags’, (Tracts for the Times – 1), Orient Longman, 1993, p.37.

2. Haynes Douglas and Gyan Prakash eds. 1991, Contesting power: Resistance and Everyday Facial Relations in South Asia: Delhi, OUP, p.6.

3. Arthur Bonner, ‘Democracy in India: a hollow shell’, The American University Press, Washington, 1994, p.40.4. ibid, p.41.

5. Arun Bose, ‘India’s Social Crisis’, Delhi: OUP, p.56.

6. Jawaharlal Nehru, ‘The Discovery of India’, John Day, 1946, p.66.

7. Hinndls, John and Eric Sharpe, eds. Hinduism, New Caste upon Tyne, Oriel Press, 1972, p.128.

8. Romila Thapar, ‘Syneticated Moksha?’ Seminar, 1987, pp.14-22.

9. Gail Omvedt, ‘Dalit Visions’ (Tract for the times – 8), Orient Longman, 1995, pp.7-12.

10. Jafferlot Christopher, 1993, Hindu Nationalism: Strategic syneretic in ideology building, EPW, March 20, 93, 517-24.

11. Nandy, Trivedy, Mayaram & Yagnik ‘Creating a Nationality Chapter VII, Hindutva as Savarna Purana: OUP, Delhi, 1995.

12. Ram Bapat ‘Religious Fundamentalism as a factor in Today’s National and International Politics’, Paper presented at the Seminar “The Nation, State and Indian Identity: A PostAyodhya Perspective”, MAJLIS, Bombay, Feb. 7-10, 1994.

13. Mark Juergensmeyer ‘Religious Nationalism Confronts the Secular State’, OUP, Delhi, 1994.14. Bruce Lawrence, ‘Defenders of God’, quoted in 3, p.5.

15. Sumeet Sarkar ‘The Fascism of Sangh Parivar’, Economic and Political Weekly, pp.163-168, Jan. 30, 1993.

16. Aijaz Ahmad: Radicalism of the Right and Logics of Secularism, in Religion, Religiosity and Communalism (Eds. Bidwai, Mukhia & Vanaik), Manohar: 96, pp.36-55.

17. Jan Breman ‘The Hindu Right’, Times of India, March 15, 1993.

18. Achin Vanaik ‘Situating Threat of Hindu Nationalism’, EPW, July 9, 1994, 1729-1748.

19. Martin Kitchen ‘Fascism’, The Macmillan Press Ltd. London,1976.

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A political economy of communalism in south Asia

Hyderbad: “You Strike & We will Strike back”.

The message of ‘21/2 Hyderabad serial terror attack

By Feroze Mithiborwala

The strategic& political target of the terror attack, is the historic 2-day Strike of the Working classes, where more than 12 core or 120 million workers both from the organized & unorganized sectors participated & brought India to a halt.

This working class strike surmounted all calculations due to the scale at which the enraged working classes participated. This strike has shaken up the corporate-political elite & that is why they have struck back with a serial terror attack, where now more than 15 citizens have died & 50 grievously injured. The terror attack was orchestrated in Dilsukh Nagar, where there is a busy market & many cinema halls.

If the working class unrest takes the proportions which we witness in many nations across the world such as Greece & Spain, the ruling elite will witness a massive crisis, due to the growing burdens of price-rise, decreasing wages, increasing scams, spiraling inflation, the growing insecurity of the peasantry, workers& laboring classes, as well as the ever-widening rich-poor divide.

Continue reading A political economy of communalism in south Asia

Manto and Sindh – Excellent write up of Haider Nizamani, it helps to understand why Sindh is tolerant and secular society in nature.

Punjab at the time of partition in 1947.

Manto and Sindh

By Haider Nizamani

SINDH has no equivalent of Saadat Hasan Manto as a chronicler of Partition. And the absence of a Manto-like figure in Sindhi literature on that count is good news. It shows the resilience of Sindh’s tolerant culture at a time when Punjab had slipped into fratricidal mayhem.

While Amrita Pritam called out for Waris Shah to rise up from the grave to witness the blood-drenched rivers of Punjab, Sindhi woman writers such as Sundari Uttamchandani were not forced to ask Shah Latif to do the same.

The tragedy of Partition inflicted different types of pain on the Punjabi and Sindhi communities and these peculiarities shadowed and shaped post-Partition communal relations between people of different faiths who traced their roots to these regions. What Manto endured and witnessed in 1947 and afterwards, became, through his eloquent writings, simultaneously an elegy and indictment of Punjab losing its sense of humanity at the altar of religious politics. The political air in Sindh was filled with religious demagogy but it did not turn into a communal orgy.

Urdu literati and historians interested in Partition and its impact on the subcontinent have used Manto’s birth centennial, that was recently observed, to remind us of his scathing sketches of lives destroyed by Partition. Ayesha Jalal in her essay ‘He wrote what he saw — and took no sides’ published in the May issue of Herald, writes Manto “looked into the inner recesses of human nature…” to “fathom the murderous hatred that erupted with such devastating effect” …in “his own home province of Punjab at the dawn of a long-awaited freedom”.

There was no eruption of murderous hatred between Sindhi Hindus and Muslims. They did not lynch each other en masse as was the case in Punjab. The violence against Sindhi Hindus and their mass migration to India was a tragic loss scripted, orchestrated and implemented by non-Sindhis in Sindh. As result of varying trajectories of interfaith relations during the Partition period, the intelligentsia of Sindh and Punjab evolved and adopted different views towards Hindus and India.

The collective memory of the Partition days in Punjab is marked more by the stories and silence of the victims and perpetrators of violence. Even the journey towards the safer side was fraught with danger. People who survived had bitter memories of the ‘other’.

The Sindh story is not the same. Ram Jethmalani, a leading lawyer in India today and a member of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), was a young advocate in Karachi in 1947. His senior partner was none other than A.K. Brohi, a right-wing Sindhi lawyer who became federal law minister during the Zia period.

Jethmalani has no compunction in saying that there was no love lost between the two because of Partition. Jethmalani stayed back in Karachi and only left for Mumbai in 1948 when Brohi told him he could not take responsibility for his safety as the demography of Karachi had changed with the arrival of migrants from the northern Indian plains. That arrival was accompanied by violence against Sindhi Hindus.

Kirat Babani, a card-carrying communist, chose to stay in Sindh after 1947 and was thrown in prison in 1948. Released 11 months on the condition of leaving Karachi within 24 hours, Kirat took up a job with Comrade Hyder Bux Jatoi, pioneer of the peasant struggle in Sindh. The administration pressured Jatoi for harbouring an atheist. Jatoi advised, much against his desire, Kirat to go to India. Even the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) that groomed L.K. Advani, a native of Karachi who later became India’s deputy prime minister, acknowledges that Sindhi Muslims did not push Hindus out of the province.

Continue reading Manto and Sindh – Excellent write up of Haider Nizamani, it helps to understand why Sindh is tolerant and secular society in nature.